What becomes of State Shinto after the war?
In 1988, the verdict of the Supreme Court of Japan overturned the decision of two lower courts and pronounced the termination in failure of Nakaya Yasuko's 15 year contest of the legality of state participation in the Shinto enshrinement of her deceased husband, Nakaya Takafumi, a member of the Self-Defense Force of Japan. (joined when it was still the National Police Reserve.) (Field, 107, 109) The story of Mrs. Nakaya (like Chinese names, in Japan last names appear first, and Field has observed this rule), like the first story on the Okinawan national flag burner Shoichi, has two plots: that of historical memory in postwar Japan, and that of freedom of religion. The two themes were related: the historical memory of Japan's role in World War II, long suppressed into "historical amnesia," was now accidentally provoked because of a personal event, that of Mrs. Nakaya who brought to public attention the quiet continuation of Shinto activities supposedly banned after World War II: enshrinements of the dead associated with the Japanese military in Shinto temples. It was precisely because of the unexamined nature of Japan's role in World War II, as a result of the inconclusive Tokyo War trial and attempts to avoid pinning responsibility on the emperor and a large number of other suspects without a prior general assessment of war responsibility, and policies that were stopped short of complete implementation because of the onset of the Cold War, that led to the continuation of many practices, including the continued use of the wartime national flag and national anthem, a point made in chapter 1 of the Field book, and in this chapter, the issue of continued Shinto practices following State Shintoism.
1. Christianity and Shintoism in Japan
Christianity Christianity was first introduced to Japan by the Dominicans and Franciscans, followed by the Jesuits, including St. Xavier, and in the 19th century, Protestants. Between 1500 and 1868 there were several waves of large persecutions of Christians.
Shintoism: State Shinto and Sect Shinto, a division made in 1882 when most Shinto shrines, such as Ise, were transformed into state institutions more patriotic than religious in character. After 1945, state Shinto was declared illegal and abolished. Shinto apotheosis: a practice associated with State Shinto that started after the Meiji Restoration: humans turned to deity after death. Still practiced after WWII. Mrs. Nakaya’s charge (p.142). Implications of apotheosis by SDF.
2. Plot
1. story of Nakaya's husband and the law suit.
- 1968, Nakaya Takafumi, died.
- 1971, SDF in the Yamaguchi prefecture decided to enshrine him.
- 1973 Mrs. Nakaya filed a law suit against the Yamaguchi SDF for violation of separation of religion and state and her religious rights.
2. Story of the Yasukuni Shrine and the issue of enshrinement: (120- )
- State patronage of Yasukuni Shrine and Protestant protests against it (124-25).
- Conservative responses to the shrine: visits by PMs. (139-140)
- Development of a self-consciousness toward Japanese wartime conduct. (123)
- The Supreme Court's interpretation of the act of enshrinement (144).
- Yamaguchi guide's explanation of Shinto (151)
3. Story of Japanese women:
- The story of Nakaya Yasuko's mother, Sadako (127).
- Story of Nakaya Yasuko, upon husband's death (128-133,)
- Japanese women's status after WWII: (137-38).
4. Why did Mrs. Nakaya pursue the case?
- 152 as protest of the state's use of her husband's death.
- Her background, growing up with stepmother and marrying into authoritarian family (155-62, esp.161)
- Her religion that does not tolerate ambiguity (compared with Shinto) and allows her to challenge authority. (173, 138)
3. The continued existence of State Shinto and its adaptation in postwar Japan
Comment on Field's observation that the "elaborate denial of the religious nature of SDF activity reads as a peculiar transmutation into legal terms of a postwar version of Shinto as not so much religion but folk custom." (Field, 146) How does this type of comments compare with the following comments "we do this because this is very Japanese. That is why you should not question what we do." Do you think that in the case of equating Shintoism with Japanese culture, there was the tendency to relegate it to the status of "Japanese uniqueness," hence something not to be questioned from the outside?