| Chapter: |
Introduction |
| PAGE #s |
Assigned for Class: |
Topics and key questions considered; study question(s). |
| 3-6 |
01B |
Why Jackall did the research described. What was his particular angle
on this topic? |
| Chapter 1: |
Moral Probations:Old and New |
| 7-13 |
not assigned |
The original Protestant (work) Ethic, soon stripped of its religious origins,
then mutated by modern urban society and further transformed by bureaucratization.
The difference between a 'pure form' of bureaucracy (Weberian) and actual
bureaucratic practice. He will study the moral dilemmas of managerial work.
Note the first mention of an important concept: PATRIMONIAL BUREAUCRACY
(11.2-.3). What dominates here: classical Weberian or patrimonial
bureaucracy or...? |
| 13-16 |
01B |
Lessons from just gaining research access to corporations. How he came to
study "Weft" and Covenant (Alchemy,Inc). How were his difficulties
gaining access a prelude to his later findings? |
| Chapter 2: |
The Social Structure of Managerial Work |
| 17-25 |
03B |
Hierarchical authority structures: partly decentralized
-- detailed responsibility, blame pushed down, but also centralized
-- power and credit for success claimed above. The gossip and 'cognitive
maps' in the court of the CEO. Notice the 'monocratic and patrimonial character
of business bureaucracy. Just how impersonal IS managerial authority
here? |
| 25-32 |
04A |
An illustration of the preceding material in story
#1: the political struggles amidst the rise and fall of
Presidents Smith and Brown under the same Alchemy, Inc
CEO. Note the first appearance of a key concept: "Milking assets"
(29.3). What are the codes of corporate politics and management behavior
that are (sometimes) observed here?[28.2,29.2.31.1]. |
| 32-33 |
In brief, Weft illustrates a similar saga. |
| 33-35 |
What are his three highlights of the 'basic structures and experiences
of managerial work? |
| 36-40 |
The 'ideology' of thorough decentralization' seeks to obscure the underlying
centralization of power. The resulting suppression of open conflict, replaced
by 'socially accepted modes of waging combat.' (37.3). Circles of affiliation
(alliances). Why would Jackall describe the manager's life as an 'endless
round of 'probationary crucibles.' |
| Chapter 3 |
The Main Chance |
| 41-46 |
03A |
Once hired, what it takes to move up. from real competence to perceptions
of competence. Is it hard work or 'fealty' and alliances? |
| 46-49 |
Face work and other 'small probations'' ; loss of control an issue. |
| 49-56 |
05B |
The norms and main dimensions of team play. What are they? |
| 56-61 |
Not Assigned |
Having style, projecting an image, standing out (or not) from others. |
| 61-65 |
05B |
Having a (key concept): patron. Combinations of social skill and
performance (hitting your numbers). Limitations of a bonus system (64).
Why this emphasis on political favor and position? (Aren't there
objective performance measures for upper managers?) |
| 65-70 |
Social perceptions (e.g., definitions) and consequences
of 'failure' explored. Illustrated in (story #2) Patterson's
demise (67-70). |
| 70-75 |
Causes of manager's sense of uncertainty; bulwarks against. The large role
of luck ('right place, right time') and circumstances beyond your control. |
| Chapter 4: |
Looking Up and Looking Around (LULA) |
| 75-79 |
06A |
Decision making (not making). Key distinction between formal or functionally
rational decision-criteria and substantive criteria for a decision. "Vocabularies"
of rational decisions (talk) vs. underlying (political?) criteria for especially
non-routine decisions. Paralysis among decision makers (79). |
| 79-81 |
06B |
Two sources of LULA behavior. What are the limits of numerical and analytic
decision-making tools? (81). |
| 81-82 |
Story #3: replacing the gigantic
battery in a large coking plant. |
| 82-85 |
What are the two reasons for thinking short-term rather than long-term?
When does a decision actually get made? |
| 85-90 |
Blame, like failure: a social definition. Diffusion
of responsibility (accountability not documented) supports scapegoating
the more politically vulnerable. Illustrated by story #4:Green
and the photo chemical price bobble (86). What is a CYA operation? |
| 90-95 |
06B |
Squeezing or 'milking' assets and other legal
ways to manipulate numerical returns, including ROA. Moving quickly so blame
falls on your successors (94).Story #5: Weavers personal
gain vs. loom maintenance (94-5). |
| 96-100 |
Story #6: Young and Noll
turn from milking assets to a cheap and ultimately disastrous retrofit of
a chemical production process. What different assessments of their 'mistake'
are possible? |
| Chapter 5: |
DRAWING LINES |
| 101-105 |
07A |
More cases where morality emerges from changing
relationships with key persons, alliances, social networks. Premiums placed
on 'flexibility'. Story #7: White, auditory engineer. What
was more important here than 'independent, morally evaluative judgments
about hearing health and safety? |
| 105-112 |
Professional expertise vs. the social context
of bureaucratic management -- Story #8: Accountant
Brady discovers offshore bribery payments, doctored invoices and
money moved from a pension fund as needed inflate earnings statements and
resulting bonus payments. What rules of bureaucratic life did he violate? |
| 112-119 |
Jackall's notion of 'institutional logic' = experienced
of objective norms that support an 'alertness to expediency'. As amply illustrated
in story #9: nuclear engineer Wilson working
on the cleanup of Three Mile Island. An engineer's process-oriented work
standards vs. expedient short-cuts to save time and be practical as well.
What aspects of institutional logic did Wilson not grasp, according to
his critics? (Notice the role of putting concerns in writing!) |
| 119-123 |
Not assigned. |
General rules of ethics vs. pragmatic adjustments: management draws its
own lines. |
| 124-127 |
Not assigned. |
Start bottom of 123: "A manager who responds... Three
ways (124,127,127 bottom) in which bureaucratic organization supports the
rationalization of decisions that keep managers non-accountable |
127-131
131-133 |
Not assigned. |
As illustrated in the two stories (#10,#11)
told by Tucker.#10: dealing with defective dyed apparel fabrics. #11: the workers exposed to carcinogenic substances.
What did Tucker's do in each story to dispose of these problems. How
did he follow institutional logic so well, unlike Wilson, White and others? |
| Chapter 8 |
Invitations to Jeopardy |
| 191-194 |
07A |
How does modern bureaucratic life as portrayed above differ from the
premises of the original Protestant work ethic? |
| 195-200 |
Three recurring dilemmas that managers face,
revolving about the meaning of their work: struggle for dominance (195-6),
material and symbolic inequalities (196-7); the disconnection of the common
good and their self-interests (198-199). Difficulty of agreeing on what
'corporate responsibility' means.Story #12: Covenant CEO deals
with a carcinogenic meat-preservative |
| 201-204 |
The meaningless of work: what about work makes this work or provides some
distracting solace |