Progress in communication sciences, Vol. XV: Advances
in telecommunications (Ablex, 1999)
Department of Telecommunications
Indiana University, Bloomington
George A. Barnett
Department of Communication
State University of New York at Buffalo
I. The Field
II. The Volume
III. The Chapters
I. The Field
The collection of papers in this volume provides an overview of the
current state of communications research on issues related to the public
telephone network. In many ways, this volume is a milepost marking the
development of telecommunications research since its emergence as an
area of study about three decades ago.
In the realm of human affairs, it often happens that a new era becomes
closely identified with the person who heralds its arrival. Typically,
this harbinger provides a crystallizing insight which reveals the meaning
of the stray signs of the coming times. In the case of the telephone,
in our opinion, Ithiel de Sola Pool's edited volume The Social Impact
of the Telephone published in 1977 provided one such crystallizing moment
for telecommunications research. Earlier, there had been works published
on the invention of the telephone and its subsequent development (Bruce,
1973; Fagen, 1975; Kingsbury, 1915; Mackenzie, 1928; Paine, 1929), telephone
companies (Cashman, 1972, Coon, 1939; Danielian, 1939; Goulden, 1970;
Holcombe, 1911; MacMeal, 1934; Mavor, 1916; Page, 1941; Patten, 1926;
Stehman, 1925; Walsh, 1950), and general history of the telephone (Baldwin,
1938; Brooks, 1976; Casson, 1913; Dilts, 1941; Pound, 1926; Robertson,
1947). However, they were usually biographies chronicling the "life and
times" of a person, technology, or institution. More often than not,
they were memoirs of a retired official, a journalistic endeavor, or
a commemorative volume commissioned by a telephone industry association.
Only a few of these publications were of a scholarly nature.
The importance of Pool's The Social Impact of the Telephone lies in
the fact that it for the first time sketched out telecommunications as
an area of scholarly research. Unlike previous works, the volume was
not focused on one facet of the telephone story. It instead sought to
encompass as many different facets of our experience with the telephone
as possible in a single volume. The contributors included journalists,
engineers, architects, economists, historians, geographers, sociologists,
psychologists, political scientists, and communications scholars. The
topics ranged from user behavior to urban planning to technological forecasting.
The twenty-one chapters in the volume laid out the broad contours of
the emerging area of research.
This volume drew considerable amount of attention. In fact, it is perhaps
one of the most cited volumes in the literature on the social aspects
of the telephone. Yet, Pool's objectives were only partially met as it
did not stimulate much additional research in spite of all the discussion
it generated. The lack of follow-up research was not restricted to communications
but included almost all the other disciplines¼sociology, history,
political science, and others¼which have scholars working on social
dimension of technology. Economics and law were the only two disciplines
which produced a sizable amount of research on telephone related issues
over the last few years. However, the main impetus for both economic
and legal scholarship was not Pool's book but the divestiture and the
subsequent changes in the telephone industry. In fact, the research produced
by both the disciplines has been overwhelmingly of a technocratic nature
that deals with "nuts and bolts" issues related to the regulatory process.
This research for the most part is not "big picture" oriented. Overall,
the research on the telephone has been meager compared to the central
role it is assuming in the emerging information economy. Since we are
not in a position to comment on the state of affairs in other disciplines,
we will limit our comments to communications in the following discussion.
We will first examine factors which have impeded telephone related research
within communications and then offer some thoughts on the contributions
the field can potentially make in the future.
Although there has been considerable discussion on media convergence
within the field, communications scholars have by and large been slow
to include telephone among the different media they study. Traditionally,
the field has focused on production and consumption of mass communication
messages. Since the telephone does not fit into the existing frameworks,
the general response of the field has been for the most part to ignore
it. What is particularly disturbing about this tendency to exclude the
telephone is that "this exclusion is not merely casual, but active and
positive" (Garnham 1992, p. 349). Communications scholars find the vocabulary,
concepts, and issues related to the telephone rather technocratic and
alien to traditional communications research. There is almost an aesthetic
aversion to the telephone and the associated mode of thinking that is
seen as encroaching into the traditional domain of communications research
(Garnham 1992). Consequently, communications scholars have left the field
open for economists, engineers, and lawyers to occupy.
Today, we have a situation where communications is almost totally marginalized
in the enormously important debates about the future of the public telephone
network. It is ironic that communications scholars have shied away from
studying issues related to a technology which will serve as the primary
platform for communication of information, the very subject of their
study, in the emerging information economy (Garnham 1983). As Noam (1993)
warns, "when a discipline that is by now fairly substantial in terms
of numbers and maturity is largely absent in the shaping of society's
treatment of the very subject of its study, one must take note" (p. 200).
In the long run, the field has no choice but to expand its focus to include
telephone related technologies just to stay relevant in the new technological
order. The question is whether it will gracefully accept the inevitable
and use it as an opportunity for assuming a leadership role in an emerging
area or be dragged into it kicking and screaming. The latter choice has
a steep price as we by default allow economists and lawyers to define
the framework for current and future debates.
After having made the case for greater involvement of communications
in telephone research, the question arises about the nature of contribution
it could make. At the simplest level, communications research can counteract
the technocratic tendencies of economics and legal research towards "instrumental,
applied forms of research, adopting an administrative orientation that
is grounded in an atheoretical futurism, that focuses principally on
problems of technical capacity and promise, and that approaches policy
questions largely in economic and market terms" (Rowland 1993, p. 208).
Communications research can greatly enlighten the public policy discourse
by reframing the issues in ways that make the value systems underlying
the technocratic solutions open to debate (Samarajiva 1990a, 1990b, 1992,
Sawhney 1996). In general, communications research can make the seemingly
technical issues socially and culturally problematic by providing the
appropriate historical context for both the problems and their potential
solutions (Rowland, 1986, 1993).
One of the biggest blind spots of economics and law is their inability
to provide a vision for the future. In fact, the future is the proverbial
slippery slope for all academic disciplines. While both the past and
the present willingly yield verifiable empirical facts and hence are
subjects of intense study, the future is a problem because it does not
exist yet. However, in the realm of practice, the future is of utmost
importance because the actions of regulators, courts, telephone companies,
and others are guided by some notion of the future, no matter how crude.
If communications scholars would like to enhance the quality of these
decisions and guide them towards socially desirable ends, they need to
help shape these images of the future.
In a period of incremental change, the problem is relatively manageable
as researchers can extrapolate past trends into the future. However,
in times of rapid and often radical change, the future becomes very problematic.
How can communications researchers address future related questions?
Quite obviously, in the realm of the future, communications researchers
or for that matter anybody else cannot provide definite answers. However,
they can either project scenarios or develop heuristic devices for thinking
about the future. Such work can potentially serve an "enlightenment" function
by inducing policy-makers to ask new questions and look at the problem
from different perspectives (Samarajiva 1994).
While the question of future clearly requires us to employ our faculties
of imagination, we cannot allow any figment of someone's imagination
to pass as research. Can one be rigorous and imaginative? If not, what
should be the criteria for evaluating imaginative research? This kind
of an exploration would be almost impossible in a well-established discipline
with its set conventions. Communications, on the other hand, provides
a more open, flexible, and accommodating environment for such discussions.
In addition, the coexistence of social scientific and humanistic traditions
within communications creates a fertile ground for the germination of
unconventional ideas. If we are able to address these questions related
to future-oriented research, we will make a unique contribution that
will have widespread impact beyond communications.
Finally, we should use the multidisciplinary nature of our field to
our greatest advantage (Garnham 1983, Melody & Mansell, 1983; Mueller
1995, Noam, 1993). The issues raised by the telephone do not oblige us
by fitting into our neat theoretical categories but instead disrupt disciplinary
patterns of thought. Issues such as universal service and privacy cry
out for profound solutions that often require integration of concepts
from humanities, social sciences, and legal scholarship. Within this
context, the telephone can act as a catalyst for large scale integration
across different domains of knowledge. As Mueller (1995) points out, "The
field of communication, therefore is well situated to develop a synthesis
appropriate for the new age. One of the real strengths shown by the field
over the years has been its flexibility, its willingness to redefine
itself to keep pace with change. This flexibility should now be put to
good use" (Mueller 1995, p. 468).
In sum, the telephone is important not because it is the latest technology
to capture our imagination but because it a vehicle for the introduction
of new ideas into our discipline which can blossom into truly unique
contributions to human knowledge.
II. The Volume
While the discussion in the previous section provides a sense of where
the field ought to be going, this section offers an overview of the volume
which in many ways is a measure of how far we have actually come.
Communications studies on the telephone tend to operate at different
levels of abstraction. On the one hand, there are studies which look
at telephone-related issues within the context of global information
flows, telecommunications deregulation, international economic order
or some other macro analysis of a communications related phenomenon (Cherry
1978, Mosco 1988, Samarajiva & Shields 1990a, 1990b, Sussman 1984). On
the other hand, there are case studies which focus on specific technologies,
applications, or countries(Akhavan-Majid 1990, Akwule 1992, Bell & Meehan
1988, Dunn 1995, Gregg 1992, Hudson 1984, Sawhney 1992, Schmandt, Williams, & Wilson
1989, Snow 1982, van der Staal, Grassmuck, & Hatta 1995). While the first
set of studies often provide powerful insights, their analysis is so
macro that the peculiarities of the telephone get overlooked. Conversely,
the second set of studies are rich in details but tend to be, with notable
exceptions, somewhat descriptive in nature. This volume foregrounds the
work of communications scholars who work at a level of abstraction somewhere
in the middle of these two extremities because they deal with issues
specifically related to the telephone but in a fairly conceptual way.
In terms of the background of the contributors, the volume includes
works of communications scholars of all hues. Robert LaRose is a social
scientist interested in the behavioral aspects of telephone and other
communication technologies. Robert Hopper is a speech communications
scholar. Jorge Schement is a telecommunications policy scholar with a
social scientific background. Steve Wildman is an economist who has made
communications his home discipline. Robin Mansell and W. Edward Steinmueller
are political economists. Jim Danowski and George Barnett are social
scientists with special interests in network analysis, and Jun-Ho Choi
is the former's student. Harmeet Sawhney is a telecommunications policy
scholar who works at the intersection of a number of disciplines. Although
Ruby Roy Dholakia, a marketing professor, and Aharon Kellerman, a geographer,
are not technically communications researchers, they both have had a
long association with our field. The great diversity in the background
and interests of the contributors is reflected in the topics covered
in the volume. They range from chapters on telephone usage and conversation
to pricing of interconnection to structure of international telecommunications
The diversity in the backgrounds of the contributors and the range
of topics covered is quite remarkable. It is worth noting that while
Pool's volume was a collection of chapters by scholars from about ten
disciplines, the chapters in this volume are the work primarily of communications
scholars and yet the range of issues and perspectives covered is of a
comparable level. This wide range in scholarship would be unimaginable
in almost any other discipline.
III. The Chapters
The chapters in this volume have not been organized into subsections
because they cover a wide range of topics and therefore do not fall into
neat categories. They, however, cluster around a few themes which provide
the organization schema of sorts for the following overview of the different
chapters in the volume.
Earlier, the telephone was basically a conduit which transported information
from one end to the other. Today, the telephone can add "value" to the
information transfer process by allowing an element of control which
was not previously available. The examples of enhanced control range
from the call waiting beep which tells you that somebody else is trying
to call you to the voice messaging system that delivers your message
at an assigned time. The ramifications of all these smart features of
an increasingly computerized network on human behavior are explored in
the chapters by LaRose and Hopper. The former looks at how we use telephones
and the latter examines how we talk over the telephone.
As LaRose points out, in the past, the limited amount of research which
was conducted on telephone usage concentrated almost entirely on telephone
adoption behavior. The unit of analysis for this research was the household.
It is only recently that researchers have started looking at how individuals
use telephone. LaRose's chapter provides an extensive review of the emerging
literature in this area as it includes research conducted from economics,
psychoanalytical, uses and gratifications, sociological, and social learning
theory perspectives. While the economic studies try to predict the effects
of price, house-hold income, and other demographic variables on telephone
demand, the psychoanalytical studies explore the subconscious influences
that shape how individuals use telephones. The uses and gratifications
studies look at how telephone behavior gratifies psychological and social
needs. The sociological studies examine telephone usage behavior within
the context of the network of social relationships within which the user
is immersed. They include critical studies which analyze how power structures
and social domination influence the use of telephones by weaker sections
of the society. The social learning studies seek to understand how individual
learn to use telephones via trial and error and observation of others.
The chapter ends with a discussion of the blindspots of the different
paradigms and how researchers can work around them.
While LaRose's chapter is wide ranging in its scope, Hopper's chapter
focuses specifically on telephone conversation. Furthermore, instead
of trying to cover the entire literature on telephone conversation, it
provides an in-depth analysis of four important areas of research: (1)
telephone vs. face-to-face conversation, (2) the impact of telephone
on how we think about communication, (3) conversation analysis of telephone
talk, and (4) the effect of new telephone-based technologies on human
interaction. The first section provides insights into how lack of non-verbal
cues in a telephone conversation influences turn length, interruption,
pause length and other discourse features as compared to a face-to-face
conversation. The second section draws on works of Saussure, Twain, and
Shannon to show telephone's influence on how we model the communication
process. The third section on conversation analysis examines how people
establish communication in telephone openings, which are the first few
seconds of any telephone encounter. The research on telephone openings
is reviewed at considerable length because this research exemplifies
research on conversation-analytic studies of telephone conversations
in general. The fourth section discusses how call waiting, voice mail,
answering machines and other new technologies have changed patterns of
human interaction. Overall, the chapter provides rare insights into an
everyday practice we take for granted.
The telephone network is one of the most complex socio-technical systems
created by humans beings. Although there is no clear line between the
system and the environment within which it is embedded, if it were ever
possible to separate the "inside" of a system from its "outside," Wildman's
chapter focuses on the former and Sawhney's on the latter. Wildman's
chapter looks at interconnection issues which greatly influence the organization
of the public telephone network. Sawhney's chapter examines the impact
of the "outside" factors on the development of infrastructure networks
in the U.S. and Canada.
Wildman's chapter looks at the complexities of the pricing of interconnection
between competing networks; an issue which will to a large degree define
the character of the "inside" or the operational core, in both technical
and social sense, of the telephone system. In the predivestiture era,
interconnection was not an issue because local telephone networks were
owned and operated as monopolies. In today's competitive environment
with multiple networks, interconnection is essential for ensuring universal
connectivity among telephone subscribers. Interconnection related issues
are exceedingly complex because their resolution requires a level of
technical and managerial cooperation among competing corporations which
is unique to the telephone industry. Among other issues, pricing of interconnection,
the focus of this chapter, is a particularly vexing problem because even
though it is desirable from the society's perspective it creates unequal
benefits for the interconnecting networks. While the entrant typically
benefits considerably from it, the incumbent has little to gain and perhaps
a lot to loose. Within this context, the pricing of interconnection is
critical because it compensates the incumbent for the unequal benefits
of interconnection. Wildman's chapter deals with the question how the
price for interconnection should be determined and suggests new ways
of resolving the problem. It specifically looks into three aspects of
the the pricing issue: (1) the compensation that is due to the incumbent
for providing interconnection to the incumbent, (2) the recovery of interconnection
costs from the interconnecting networks and incumbent's end customers,
and (3) determining the price of interconnection when the interconnection
is between facilities-based competitors.
Sawhney's chapter is part of an ongoing program of research in which
he expands the frame of reference beyond telecommunications to railroads,
highways, electricity, telegraph, and other infrastructure networks.
This research is based on the thesis developed in his earlier work on
the U.S. that different infrastructure networks follow a similar development
pattern because they have a similar "internal logic," and the "external
logic" of the sociocultural environment remains stable over time. In
this chapter, Sawhney studies the development of infrastructure networks
in another sociocultural context¼Canada¼and compares it
with the U.S. pattern. His research shows that like the U.S., Canada
has an infrastructure development pattern which is distinctively Canadian.
In the U.S. the process is internally generated and chaotic. There is
a free-for-all competition between competing regions and rival corporations.
The pace of infrastructure development is extremely rapid but haphazard.
On the other hand, in Canada the process is externally stimulated and
reactive. The tempo is frantic and anxious but organized and orderly
as government supported monopolies or quasi-monopolies, rather than a
freewheeling market, serve as the main vehicle for the development of
its infrastructure. Yet, the two patterns are intertwined in an asymmetrical
manner which is peculiar to the North American continent. Domestic competition
drives the development of infrastructure networks in the U.S. which in
turn forces Canada to develop its own so as to counter the expansionary
tendency of its southern neighbor. From a theoretical standpoint, the
recurrence of a distinctively Canadian infrastructure development pattern
which is consistent across technologies supports the thesis and provides
the basis for additional research in other sociocultural environments.
Dholakia and Mansell & Steinmueller chapters examine the competitive
positions of different systems in the marketplace. The two chapters complement
each other as they both analyze how a system can gain a competitive advantage
in a market at different levels of abstraction. While Dholakia examines
the marketing strategies a telephone companies can adopt to secure a
competitive advantage, Mansell & Steinmueller look at the competition
between groups of industries with similar characteristics. In both cases,
the users play a decisive role in the success of one company or industry
Dholakia's chapter provides an overview of the marketing strategies
adopted by different telephone companies and discusses the relevance
of established marketing theories for marketing of telecommunications
and other high-technology products and services. Dholakia argues that,
in the complex world of telecommunications, choosing the target market
is not enough for telephone companies because they should also strategically
choose the competitors to "go against, ally with or step around" and
have a brand image which is appropriate for different stakeholders. She
illustrates the importance of these choices by discussing the successes
and failures of actual choices made by different telephone companies.
She also discusses the challenges posed by the compressed product development
cycles of telecommunications services to established marketing theories,
which is based on a conception of the marketing process that starts with
anticipation and interpretation of customer needs and eventually leads
to product development. In the case of telecommunications and other high-technology
products and services, market realities call for a reverse sequence of
events which starts with rapid prototyping and experimentation. This
kind of trial and error marketing in turn requires low cost marketing
strategies because the future is highly uncertain. The old ideals of
systematic market roll outs are not feasible in the new environment.
Dholakia's chapter suggests that the perplexing problems raised by telecommunications
services are likely to stimulate new thinking in marketing.
While Dholakia's chapter deals with competitive strategies of individual
firms, Mansell & Steinmueller deal with competitive issues at much higher
levels of aggregation. According to their perspective, the future shape
of information society will to a large extent be determined by how the
current competition between incumbent elite, insurgents, and virtual
communities is resolved. The incumbent elite are the public telephone,
cable, and audiovisual companies which control the existing communications
infrastructure. The insurgents are companies growing out of the computer
software mold¼Microsoft, Netscape, Sun Microsystems, Oracle, and
others¼who are competing to create the architecture of information
systems. Virtual communities are voluntary associations of individuals
and institutions who get together to create networks of mutual interest.
Quite obviously, the three "configurations" have different strengths
and weaknesses specially in critical areas such as service and distribution
market powers. However, the contest will not be decided solely on their
strengths and weaknesses as user groups will play a critical role in
deciding the final outcome. Mansell & Steinmueller break the user groups
into 5 categories: global business, small and medium sized enterprise,
consumers, education, and public service. They analyze the interactions
between the service providers and user groups and gage the likelihood
of the future outcomes. Although Mansell & Steinmueller's analysis is
quite obviously unable to provide definitive answers, it provides a strong
conceptual framework for thinking about the future.
Both Danowski & Choi's and Barnett's chapters deal with socioeconomic
formations or structures. Danowski & Choi study the impact of technological
convergence on the structure of the communications and information industries.
Barnett analyzes the relationship between the structure of international
telecommunications and the structure of the larger world system within
which it is embedded. Both the chapters employ network analysis techniques
to examine the structural characteristics of the relationships which
they seek to study.
Danowski & Choi's chapter deals with "convergence" which is a much
bandied about term. It is evoked to explain almost any aspect of the
rapidly changing telecommunications scenario. Yet, not many people have
systematically studied the convergence phenomenon. The term is used very
loosely in both scholarly and popular discussions on emerging telecommunications
environment. Danowski & Choi make an important contribution in their
chapter by empirically studying the changes in the industry structure
brought about by convergence. They examine mergers and acquisitions in
communication and information industries from 1981 to 1996. They use
data reported in trade publications to conduct network analysis which
looks at the relationship between firms in different sectors within the
communication and information industries. Thereby they chart out the
structural changes resulting from the convergence phenomenon within the
communication and information industries. By mapping out the evolving "convergence" terrain,
they provide the basis for a more informed discussion and provide a foundation
for subsequent work on convergence related issues.
Barnett analyzes the structure of international telecommunications
from the world systems perspective. Traditionally, the world systems
theorists have all but ignored information flows among the nations of
the world. Only recently have they started looking at the relationship
between global political-economic structures and information flows. In
this chapter, Barnett reports the findings of a study in which he uses
techniques of network analysis to examine the changes in international
telecommunications traffic between late 1970s through early 1990s. His
analysis indicates that although the international telecommunications
network has become denser, more centralized, and more highly integrated,
the basic structure of the network has not changed. In other words, the
international relations forged during the industrial age have endured
into the so-called information age. These findings go against the commonly
held assumption that the process of globalization is bringing about a
paradigm shift in international relations. According to Barnett's findings,
if these changes are indeed occurring, they are not yet visible in the
structure of international telecommunications.
The last two chapters by Schement and Kellerman look at two very different
things. Schement provides new insights into universal service issues
which have long shaped the development of the telephone network. Kellerman
examines the impact telecommunications technologies have on the structure
and organization of human activity across space.
Schement's chapter is concerned with universal service policies which
seek to extend telephone service to the entire population. Ever since
the beginning of competition in the telecommunications industry, there
has been a persistent fear that competition will undermine the system
of subsidies which have supported universal service over the years. Many
papers have warned us of the growing gap between the "information rich" and
the "information poor," spelt out its consequences, and explained the
benefits of universal access. This literature has had considerable impact
as universal service is now center stage in the public policy arena.
While this macro-level analysis has succeeded in highlighting the problem,
it has generally not provided solutions for it. One of the major reasons
for the lack of success is that the policy makers and researchers have
tended to look at the problem at the aggregate level. Schement's chapter
takes a closer look at the problem. He examines the characteristics of
Americans without home telephone service by analyzing data from the decennial
census of the United States, the Current Population Survey of the Census
Bureau, and FCC research reports. Schement's chapter shows that the picture
looks very different bottom-up: the problem is far more varied and context-dependent
than what a macro analysis would suggest. Americans without telephones
defy easy categorization because of their complex demographic and economic
characteristics. He argues that solutions require policies which go against
the convention wisdom which for long has guided universal service policies.
Geographers who have long dealt with population and commodity flows
find telecommunications problematic because of the intangibility of information.
The problem is further aggravated by the lack of publicly available data
on the number, length, origins and destinations of telephone calls. It
is only recently that geographers have started studying telecommunications
in a concerted way. Kellerman's chapter provides the sum and substance
of what we know about the geography of telecommunications. The chapter
is organized in three sections. The first one explains some basic concepts
related to the geography of telecommunications. The last two deal with:
(1) sociospatial characteristics of telecommunications, and (2) information
flows. The discussion on sociospatial characteristics dwells on the question
whether or not telecommunications will homogenize space in terms of human
activity and culture. Correspondingly, it also considers the question
whether telecommunications will lead to centralization or decentralization
of economic activity. The section on information flows discusses the
different types of information flows and the characteristics which differentiate
them. It also discusses the barriers to information flows and the flow
patterns that are likely to emerge in the future.
Although the ten chapters in this collection cover a diverse range
of topics and perspectives, the volume is far from comprehensive. Among
other things, it has a marked bias towards the U.S. experience. In spite
of the fact that a number of chapters encompass international issues,
the international dimension is somewhat weak. Also, it does not include
chapters on quite a few important topics. On the other hand, there is
almost no overlap between the different chapters in this volume and hence
it is difficult to imagine a wider coverage of issues without a corresponding
increase in the number of chapters. Overall, the volume covers considerable
territory and offers a pretty good overview of the current state of research.
We hope it will provide a useful building block for subsequent work in
Akhavan-Majid, R. (1990). "Telecommunications policymaking in Japan: The
1980s and beyond." Telecommunications Policy, 14(2), 159-168.
Akwule, R. (1992). "Telecommunications in Kenya: Development and Policy
Issues." Telecommunications Policy, 16(7), 603-611.
Baldwin, F. G. C. (1938). The history of the telephone in the United Kingdom.
London: Chapman & Hall.
Bell, D. and N. Meehan (1988). "International telecommunications deregulation
and Ireland's domestic communications policy." Journal of Communication,
Brooks, J. Telephone: The First Hundred Years. New York: Harper & Row,
Bruce, R. V. (1973). Bell: Alexander Graham Bell and the conquest of solitude.
Boston: Little Brown.
Cashman, T. (1972). Singing Wires: The Telephone in Alberta. Edmonton:
Alberta Government Telephone Commission.
Casson, H. N. (1910). The History of the Telephone. Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co.
Cherry, C. (1978). World communication: Threat or promise. Chichester,
U.K.: John Wiley.
Coon, H. (1939). American Telephone & Telegraph: The Story of a Great Monopoly.
New York: Longman, Green, & Co.
Danielian, N. R. (1939). American Telephone & Telegraph: The Story of Industrial
Conquest. New York: Vanguard.
Dilts, M. M. The Telephone in a Changing World. New York: Longmans, Green & Co.,
Dunn, H. (1995). "Caribbean telecommunications policy: Fashioned by debt,
dependency, and underdevelopment." Media, Culture & Society, 17(2), 201-222.
Fagen, M. D. (1975). A history of engineering and science in the Bell System:
The early years (1875-1925). New York: Bell Telephone Laboratories.
Garnham, N. (1983). "Toward a theory of cultural materialism." Journal
of Communication, 33(3), 174-184.
Garnham, N. (1992). "Editorial." Media, Culture & Society, 14(3), 339-342.
Goulden, J.C. (1970). Monopoly. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons.
Gregg, K. (1992). "The status of ISDN in the USA." Telecommunications Policy,
Holcombe, A. N. (1911). Public Ownership of Telephones on the Continent
of Europe. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.
Hudson, H. (1984). When telephones reach the village: The role of telecommunications
in rural development. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Kingsbury, J. E. (1915). The telephone and telephone exchanges. London:
Longman, Green, and Co.
MacMeal, H. B. (1934). The story of independent telephony. Chicago: Independent
Pioneer Telephone Association.
Mackenzie, C. (1928). Alexander Graham Bell: The Man Who Contracted Space.
New York: Houghton Mifflin.
Mavor, J. (1916). Government Telephones: The Experience of Manitoba. New
York: Moffat, Yard & Co.
Melody, W. and R. Mansell (1983). "The debate over critical vs. administrative
research: Circularity or challenge." Journal of Communication, 33 (3),
Mosco, V. (1988). "Toward a theory of the state and telecommunications
policy." Journal of Communication, 38(1), 107-124.
Muller, M. (1995). "Why communications policy is passing 'mass communication'
by: Political economy as the missing link." Critical Studies in Mass Communication,
13 (3), 457-472.
Noam, E. (1993). "Reconnecting communications studies with communications
policy." Journal of Communication, 43 (3), 199-206.
Page, A. (1941). The Bell Telephone System. New York: Harper.
Paine, A. B. (1929). Theodore N. Vail: A biography. New York: Harper.
Patten, W. (1926). Pioneering the telephone in Canada. Montreal: Telephone
Pound, A. (1926). The Telephone Idea: Fifty Years After. New York: Greenberg.
Pool, I. d S. (1977). The Social Impact of the Telephone. Cambridge, MA:
Robertson, J. H. (1947). The story of the telephone: A history of the telecommunications
industry of Britain. London: Pitman & Sons.
Rowland, W. (1986). "American telecommunications policy research: Its contradictory
origins and influences." Media, Culture & Society, 8(2), 159-182.
Rowland, W. (1993). "The traditions of communication research and their
implications for telecommunications study." Journal of Communication, 43
Samarajiva, R. and P. Shields (1990a). Integration, telecommunication,
and development: Power in the paradigms. Journal of Communication, 40 (3),
Samarajiva, R. and P. Shields (1990b). "Value issues in telecommunications
resource allocation in the Third World." In S. Lundstedt (Ed.) Telecommunications,
Values, and the Public Interest. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Samarajiva, R. and P. Shields (1992). "Emergent institutions of the 'intelligent
network': Toward a theoretical understanding." Media, Culture, and Society,
Samarajiva, R. (1994). Presentation on contributions of communication research
at the Opening Plenary Session of 19th IAMCR Conference, Seoul, Korea,
July 4, 1994.
Sawhney, H. (1992). Rural telephone companies: Diverse outlooks and shared
concerns. Telecommunications Policy, 16 (1), 16-26.
Sawhney, H. (1996). "Information superhighway: Metaphors as midwives." Media,
Culture & Society,18 (2), 291-314.
Schmandt, J, Williams, F. and R. Wilson (Eds.) (1989). Telecommunications
Policy and Economic Development: The New State Role. New York: Praeger.
Snow, M. (1982). "Telecommunications and media policy in West Germany." Journal
of Communication, 32(3), 10-32.
Stehman, J. W. (1925). The financial history of the American Telephone
and Telegraph Company. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Sussman, G. (1984). "Global telecommunications and the Third World: Theoretical
considerations." Journal of Communication, 6(3), 289-300.
van der Staal, P., Grassmuck, V., and K. Hatta (1995). "ISDN in Japan:
Actors, status, and expectations." Telecommunications Policy, 19(7), 531-544.
Walsh, J. L. (1950). Connecticut pioneers in telephony: The origin and
growth of the telephone industry in Connecticut. New Haven, CT: Morris
F. Tyler Chapter, Telephone Pioneers of America.