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Volume 04 (2004)

04-01 Dillon, Caitlin Metaphony as Morpheme Realization, Not Vowel Harmony
The present paper is an analysis of metaphony phenomena that occur in the Lena dialect of Spanish (Hualde, 1989) and the Treia dialect of Italian (Papa, 1981). Metaphony is a change in the height of a stem vowel triggered by a suffix vowel. Previous accounts of metaphony phenomena have treated metaphony as an example of vowel harmony. However, metaphony phenomena often differ from harmony phenomena in several ways. Vowel harmony phenomena are either “stem-controlled” or “dominant-recessive” (Bakovic, 2000). Stem-controlled harmony involves a phonological characteristic of a stem inducing a phonological change in an affix. However, metaphony is the occurrence of an affix inducing a change in a stem. Thus, metaphony is not stem-controlled. In dominant-recessive harmony, a dominant-feature-valued vowel triggers a change in the ‘recessive’ vowels in the morpheme, and sometimes across morphemes. In Lena, however, the vowel change occurs only across a morpheme boundary and only one vowel in each stem is targeted. Furthermore, the targeted vowel is the stressed stem vowel; thus, a paradox arises in that the stressed vowel would have to be considered ‘recessive’. Therefore, metaphony phenomena as witnessed in Lena are not cases of dominantrecessive harmony. In the present analysis, metaphony is discussed as a case of ‘double morphemic exponence’ (similar to German umlaut), in which the input suffix morpheme is phonologically realized both as a suffix and as a change in the stem. Double morphemic exponence is accounted for by Kurisu (2001), using Realizational Morphology Theory (RMT), which is framed within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2002). An important constraint in RMT is Realize Morpheme, which requires the phonological realization of a morpheme. In the present analysis, Realize Morpheme is highly-ranked. Within RMT, double morphemic exponence is accounted for using Sympathy Theory (McCarthy, 1999a). The selector constraint is a low-ranking constraint which requires that the output phonological word include only the stem, and not the affix. Satisfaction of this selector constraint causes the suffix to be ‘invisible’. Thus, in order to satisfy high-ranking Realize Morpheme, a change in the stem vowel occurs. Faithfulness to the change in stem vowel is enforced by Faith _ O constraints. The change in the stem vowel surfaces because the winning candidate satisfies these Faith _ O constraints. The suffix vowel also surfaces because the winning candidate satisfies Max IO, a constraint that requires every input segment to have a correspondent segment in the output. In summary, the present analysis accounts for metaphony not as a case of vowel harmony but as a case morphological opacity in the form of double morphemic exponence.
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-02 File-Muriel, Richard J. An OT Approach to Vowel Height Harmony in Brazilian Portuguese
The phenomenon of vowel height harmony in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) has previously been considered under rule-based approaches (Lipski 1973, Harris 1974, Redenbarger 1978, Hancin 1991, and Wetzels 1991, 1995). Hancin (1991) argues that vowel height harmony in BP depends strongly on morphological factors. That is to say, morphological structure plays a critical role in the application and constraint of an alleged spreading rule. She claims that there is a cyclic/non-cyclic distinction between BP suffixes, in which certain suffixes trigger the spreading of the feature [+high], while other suffixes do not. Parallel to this, there has been great effort to deal with the well-known problem of phonological opacity (Kiparsky 1971, 1973) within surface-oriented models known as Optimality Theory (OT). To my knowledge, Vowel Height Harmony (henceforth VHH) in BP has yet to be accounted for within an OT framework. This paper is organized as follows: First, I discuss some basic facts of BP phonology as presented by Hancin (1991), focusing on the attested VHH that she accounts for with a [+high] spreading rule. This is then followed by a discussion of opacity in stress vowels and across multiple morpheme boundaries. According to Hancin (1991), VHH occurs in some morphemes, while leaving others unaffected. To account for this cyclicity, she adopts a Lexical Phonology (LP) approach (Kiparsky 1982). Following this, I show how the BP facts are better accounted for under the assumptions of Lexical Phonology and Morphology OT (LPM-OT: Kiparsky 2000). This model unites claims made in the tradition of lexical phonology with claims made in the tradition of OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993).
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-03 José, Brian
Julie Auger
(Final) Nasalization as an Alternative to (Final) Devoicing: The Case of Vimeu Picard
The Vimeu variety of Picard (VP), spoken in northern France, exhibits stop~nasal alternations as in réponne 'to answer' vs répondu 'answered.' We attribute the nasalization of voiced stops in VP to a constraint against voiced obstruents, a constraint most often responsible for obstruent devoicing. Just as positional faithfulness often protects onsets from devoicing, it protects onset stops from nasalizing in VP, thus the /d/ of rĂ©pondu surfaces faithfully. Variation in stop nasalization is due to overlapping, stochastic constraint rankings. The co-occurrence of stop and vowel nasalization also leads us to discuss nasal(ized) vowels. Here, we argue that [nasalV] ~ [VN] alternations, as in chatchun 'each-one.masc' vs chatcheune 'each-one.fem,' support the view of at least some nasal vowels in VP as underlying /V~/ sequences, where the symbol ~ represents a floating nasal. For the sake of representational consistency, we extend this representation to non-alternating nasal vowels as well.
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-04 Word-Allbritton, Andrea The Turkmen Verb System: Motion, Path, Manner and Figure
In his 1991 paper, "Path to Realization: A Typology of Event Conflation”, Talmy introduced an updated set of associations that remains very promising in building a cross-linguistic classification of verb systems. Talmy proposed classifications of languages based on the verb versus satellite-framing of a variety of core schema, including Path, Aspect, State Change, and Realization, as well as S-relations such as Manner and Cause. Additional research in the area has also implicated the telicity or boundedness of an event as relevant to conflation patterns (Aske 1989, Jackendoff 1990, Slobin and Hoiting 1994). In the current paper, data was elicited in picture descriptions by native Turkmen speakers and an initial classification of Turkmen was made. Based on Talmy.s 1991 framework, Turkmen is classified as verb-framed. However, because of the discovery of inconsistencies in conflation patterns that remained unexplained by the Telic variable, the relationship between Figure and Manner of Motion was considered as a explanatory variable.
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-05 Zapf, Jennifer A. The Case of the German plural: Can too many rules mean no rule-governed system at all?
Previous research on the acquisition of morphological markers has focused on whether they are learned via rule induction (Marcus et al., 1992) or through an instance-based manner (Marchman, Plunkett & Goodman, 1997). To provide evidence on this debate, this paper focuses on the German plural as it is a case where there are many morphological markers used to mark the same inflectional class. Two native German speakers were asked to form plurals from singular pseudo-nouns and nouns borrowed from French. The results suggest that it is possible a ‘rule’ exists for words which are noticeably borrowed from French. However, in the more common case, novel words which sounded similar to or reminded the native speakers of real German plurals were made plural in that way, even across speakers. This provides evidence for a frequency or instance-based account where generalizing from specifically experienced instances to new instances occurs based on the novel stems’ similarity to known instances.
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-06 Kinnaird, Susan Kuzniak
Jennifer Zapf
An Acoustical Analysis of a Japanese SpeakerÂ’s Production of English /r/ and /l/
In general, native Japanese speakers have difficulty perceiving the English /r/ and /l/ phonemes due to the fact their native language does not have these two sounds as contrasting phonemes (Logan et al., 1991; Lively et al., 1993, 1994). Although much has been written on L1 Japanese with regards to the English /l/ and /r/, little has addressed the acoustical differences between speakers of Japanese and speakers of English as they produce the English liquids. This paper discusses an experiment in which these acoustical differences were described and analyzed. The study investigated the differences between the second and third formants produced by a native speaker of Japanese and a native speaker of English as they pronounced a series of words containing either an /r/, an /l/, or both. The position of the liquid within the word was also taken into consideration. The study found substantial differences between the F3 values for /l/ in every word position, and smaller differences between the F2 values of /l/ and the F3 values for /r/. This evidence provides support for the idea that perception and production may be closely linked and, thus, calls for more acoustical analysis of the productions of native Japanese speakers.
[Table of Contents] [Fulltext]

04-07 Alarcón, Irma The sequential acquisition of L2 Spanish gender marking: Assignment and agreement
The present study examines Spanish gender assignment and agreement by 69 English-speaking learners of Spanish at four different university levels. Data collection consisted of a two-part written test in which the subjects were first asked to indicate whether each given noun from a list was masculine or feminine by writing the appropriate definite article - el, la, los, las - in front of the word (gender assignment). The second part briefly described some situations, and asked the subjects to write an appropriate adjective according to the context (gender agreement). The data yielded 2,484 responses, and were analyzed using an interlanguage approach in which all subjectsÂ’ production was analyzed and coded according to the type of agreement displayed. Data that did not reveal any kind of agreement were also analyzed. The results demonstrate that length of exposure to the input helps learners acquire gender. Furthermore, natural gender is acquired before grammatical gender assignment; but, even for the most advanced level of learners, neither natural nor grammatical gender agreement has been acquired, although agreement with grammatical gender nouns shows higher rates of accuracy. In addition, non-overtly and deceptively marked grammatical nouns had still not been acquired at the end of the subjectsÂ’ fourth semester of college Spanish. Contrary to what was predicted, it was found that learners who correctly assign gender to particular nouns do not exhibit correct gender agreement. Finally, learners tend to overuse the masculine forms only in gender agreement, not in gender assignment.
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